C.U.ANON …

© 2001-2012 MBI – All  Rights
Reserved 


——————————————————–|

Army Goes Goth With ‘Super-Black’ Materials

Get ready to break out the eyeliner and the candelabras, because the Army is going goth.


In its latest round of solicitations for small businesses, the Army is asking for proposals for super-black material.
That is, material so black that it absorbs 99 percent of all light. But
it isn’t really black paint, exactly. The plan is to use either an
“antireflective coating or surface treatment process for metals” to
absorb stray light “in the ultraviolet, visible, infrared, and
far-infrared regions.” This, the Army hopes, will boost the quality of
high-resolution cameras, while also cooling down sensitive electronics.
Or to put it another way: The Army needs the color black to reflect its icy-cold heart.




Another curious thing is that the program is being run out of the
Army’s Program Executive Office Ammunition at the Picatinny Arsenal, a
main center for the Pentagon’s experiments in all sorts of weapons: from
rifles and tank cannons to directed-energy weapons. But the purpose of
the solicitation isn’t much more specific than described. “Simply put,
it’s too early yet to speculate on where the technology(s) will go,”
Frank Misurelli, an Army spokesman at Picatinny said in a statement
provided to Danger Room. ”Possibly in a few months, after an contract
has been awarded, more information may become available.”




But for whatever the Army wants to fade to black, it seems that
regular black isn’t good enough. This is because most black paint will
absorb only around 90-95 percent of light, with the other 5-10 percent
reflected back outwards. For a high-resolution camera, that stray light
can bounce back into the lens and interfere with the quality of an
image. It’s even a problem for NASA’s ultra-deep-space sensors.
In the extreme coldness of space, black paint turns a silver-y color,
which increases heat and can interfere with infrared-detecting
instruments.

 


But wait, doesn’t black get really hot when hit with light, like
wearing black clothes during the summer? The answer is: sorta. Black is
really good at absorbing heat, but is also really good at radiating heat
away. This is why cooling fins, radiators and engines for cars and
trucks are often painted black. In 2011, NASA developed a carbon-nanotube coating
that absorbed between 98-99.5 percent of light, depending on the
wavelength. Nor do the coating’s thin layers of nanotubes change color
in extreme cold. They absorb more light, and help radiate heat away from
instruments, keeping them cold.




The Army could go another route. A second option uncovered by
Britain’s National Physical Laboratory involves immersing an object in a
solution of nickel and sodium for several hours, which blackens the
color, and then taking it out and dunking it in nitric acid for a few
seconds. According to New Scientist, this creates an alloy pock-marked with tiny microscopic craters that prevent light from bouncing away.




Finally, the Army also hopes to expand the materials to “optical
glass surfaces” — camera lenses, in other words — while testing to see
whether “it will be able to survive in a military environment.” The
material should also come in “multiple surface colors” and be able to
“selectively exhibit earth color instead of broadband absorption.” And
another hope is to use the materials to absorb water to cool down
equipment. See, it’s tough out there being goth, but it doesn’t mean you
can’t do it in comfort.

FULL ARTICLE HERE….

———————————————|


C.U.ANON….

© 2001-2012 MBI – All  Rights
Reserved 

FROM: BKNT-US/94

[ed.note: Outside of opinions expressed below, and the distinct exception of Oliver Stone’s depiction of former New Orleans District Attorney Big Jim Garrison, much of the below is TRUE.

But LONG–WSM]

 

Feed: The Constantine
Report
Posted on: Thursday, November 29, 2012 2:16 PM

Author: admin

Subject: How the Washington Post Censors the News



A Letter to the Washington Post

 By Julian C. Holmes (April 25,
1992)

Richard Harwood,
Ombudsman

The Washington Post

1150 15th Street NW

Washington, DC 20071



Dear Mr. Harwood,



Though
the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news,
just let drop the faintest rumor of a government “conspiracy”, and a klaxon
horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of
reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events,
editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning:
the greatest
single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability
— the dreaded “CONSPIRACY THEORY”!!




It is not known whether
anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful
spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of
warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko “CONSPIRACY
THEORISTS”.




Recall how the Post saved
us from the truth about Iran-Contra.




Professional conspiracy
exorcist
Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and
his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in
their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of
the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and the
conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2). [T]




But for some time the lid
had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic
Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a
lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing
to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our
bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). 

The Post contributed to this
discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing
false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House
Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee
Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed
only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from
Rangel (*5).




Sworn testimony before
Senator John Kerry’s Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International
Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With
its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating
Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly
emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the “October Surprise” conspiracy
(*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger
and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with
the same title, “October Surprise” (*8).

 Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of
Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National
Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991
respectively, Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how the
Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of
the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The
purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election
release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection
prospects for President Carter.




Others published details
of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran
an expose “An Election Held Hostage”; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991
(*9). 

[And later retracted much of it in a subsequent hour-long documentary a year later.]

In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of
the former hostages, challenged the Congress to “make a full, impartial
investigation” of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the
statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself which was
held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). 

On February 5,
1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized
an “October Surprise” investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed
by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives
Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry
Barcella
, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988
(*11).




Like the Washington Post,
Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation
(*12). He had accepted Oliver North’s lies, [True lies], and as Chairman of the House
Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked
President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support activities of
government officials and others (*13). 

After CIA operative JohnHull (from Hamilton’s
home state). was charged in Costa Rica with “international drug trafficking
and hostile acts against the nation’s security”, Hamilton and 18 fellow
members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias
Sanchez
into handling Hull’s case “in a manner that will not complicate
U.S.-Costa Rican relations” (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton
letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull’s case to be “in as
good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all
citizens” (*15).




Though the Post does its
best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult to
avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate
conspiracies:




In its COINTELPRO
operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests,
and violence [?] to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60′s (*16).




The CIA’s Operation
MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by “destroying crops, brutalizing citizens,
destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel
Castro and other leaders” (*17). [T]




Standard Oil of New
Jersey
was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be
conspiring with I.G.Farben…of Germany. …By its cartel agreements with
Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from developing or
producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber,
said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).




U.S. Government agencies
knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation “almost certain to
produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer” that contaminated people residing
near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19). [T]




Various branches of
Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to cleaning up the
Nation’s dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments
back the nuclear industry’s secret public relations strategy (*21).




“The National Cancer
Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive cancer
centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims
that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment
has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates which it
has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or
ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens in
the air, food, water, and the workplace.” (*22).




The Bush Administration
coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq “is yet another example of the
President’s people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people
in the dark” (*23). [T]




If you think about it,
conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this country.




Take the systematic and
cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of
the news media (*24). [T]




Or the widespread plans
of business and government groups to spend $100 million in taxes to promote a
distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines
of the Smithsonian Institution’s “fusion of the two worlds”, (*26). rather
than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like “anger,
cruelty, gold, terror, and death”
(*27). [T]




Or circumstances
surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW company of
sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which “now point to a
widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
INSLAW’s technology”, says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson
(*28). [T]




Or Watergate.




Or the “largest bank
fraud in world financial history” (*29), where the White House knew of the
criminal activities at “the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International”
(BCCI)
(*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret banking
(*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials “was a way of
doing business” (*32). [T]




Or the 1949 conviction of
“GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy
Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric
transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale
of buses and related products to transportation companies throughout the
country” [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33). [T]




Or the collusion in 1973
between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of
Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair
automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60′s (*34).




Or the A. H. Robins
Company
, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and
which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield’s hazards and which
“stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups…[thus
inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections.” (*35). [T]




Or that cooperation
between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to
enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in
flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3,
1974 (*36). [T]




Or the now-banned,
cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by
manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who
acted “in concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for
miscarriage purposes” (*37).




Or the conspiracies among
bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to
relieve depositors of their savings. This “arrogant disregard from the White
House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of the
American people” will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars
(*38).


Or the Westinghouse,
Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met
surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on
heavy industrial equipment (*39).




Or the convictions of
Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests
on prescription drugs (*40).




Or the conspiracy by the
asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating to
asbestos (*41).  [T]


Or the 1928 Achnacarry
Agreement through which oil companies “agreed not to engage in any effective
price competition” (*42).




Or the conspiracy among
U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature of our
decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua, a covert war that
continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the
Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).




Or the conspiracy by the
CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election process with
military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the
overthrow of the legitimately elected government and the assassination of
President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44). [T]




Or the conspiracy among
U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director
William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting
Angola’s plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these
actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George
Bush’
s subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46). [T]




Or President George
Bush’
s consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby
violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S.
Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

[A 23 April 1989 article in the WASHINGTON POST by WSM lead directly to President Bush’s change of position from one of support for his one-time CIA ally to regime change.]


Or the “gross antitrust
violations” (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the
British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran
nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed
Mossadegh (*49).[T]

 


Or the CIA-planned
assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50). [T]




Or the deliberate and
wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George
Mitchell
, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the
Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential
candidate supported by President Bush (*51).




Or the collective
approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of
“unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the Iran-Contra
scandal” (*52). [T, and concurrent US-IRAQ INTEL SHARING]




Or “How Reagan and the
Pope
Conspired to Assist Poland’s Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise
of Communism” (*53).  

[T, though hard to quite see what was’wrong’ with the Demise of Communism,” Corrupt, False and Fascistic as it was…]




Or how the Reagan
Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any
country “for the promotion of birth control or abortion” (*54). [T]




Or “the way the Vatican
and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in Central America” (*55).




Or the collaboration of
Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to
design “programs to build civilian-military cooperation” at the U.S. Army
School of the Americas
(SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of
SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56). [T]




Or the conspiracy of the
Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and cause bodily harm to
whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the
facility (*57).




Or the conspiracy of
President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay the
Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58). [T]




Or the pandemic coverups
of police violence (*59). [T]




Or the always
safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).




Or maybe the socially
responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in paperback
(*61). [T, even after IRANIAN Fatwas, no less]


Conspiracies are
obviously a way to get things done
, and the Washington Post offers little
comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important
conspiracy that, let’s say, benefits big business or big government.




Such a conspiracy would
be like our benevolent CIA’s 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help
out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten
U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly control of
broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public
importance (*62).

When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away,
public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode — depending on how
seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public
trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to
see as a real threat to its corporate security.




Currently, the Post has
mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone’s movie “JFK”, which
reexamines the U.S. Government’s official (Warren Commission. finding that a
single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also
is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s unsuccessful
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection with the
assassination. 

Click to See WSM Review

[Jim Garrison was a black-mailed, closet homosexual who was denied the US Attorney slot in New Orleans after the 1960 election by RFK; was viciously envious of his law school better, Claw Shaw; and was paid by, reported to, and did the bidding of his ‘legitmate businessman” friend, as Garrison more than once remarked to WSM, Mafia boss Carlos Marcello.

Mr. C,’ as he was called respectfully by those who knew him well, like Garrison, conspired with Santo Trafficante (and Fidel Castro’s lawyer), and the later assassinated Chicago Marylin Monroe/Judith Cambell Exner lovers Johnny Roselli and Sam Giancana, alon with CIA Operators Bob Maheu, Bill Harvey and Joe Shimon to blackmail the CIA and the FBI over RFK entusiastic hands-on supervision of JFK‘s multiple failed attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro.

Jim Garrison died of AIDS, and Oliver Stone bloody well knew better.–WSM]

And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the
work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a president who,
had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against Vietnam.




The Post ridicules a
reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by “JFK”.
Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will,
Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks
against public sentiment which has never supported the government’s
non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the
Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that “both the FBI and
CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission” (*63) 
[T]and that the 1979
Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President
Kennedy was probably killed “as a result of a conspiracy” (*64), a truly
astounding number of Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit
“JFK” as just another conspiracy (*65). 

Click to Watch

      

[T, but nothing aboutKevin Kostner‘s character`s character flaws, though the earliest Washington Post discreditation was done by George Lardner, who knew Garrison well , as Georg told WSM more once.]




Some of the more vicious
attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard
Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that
Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and
declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher
Prouty
, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored
defense of the “JFK” thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying
in Vietnam (*67). 

[WSM is cited in his three friendsbooks, Scott, Scheim and Newman, but has neither met nor read Prouty.]

But the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility
of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification
for its arguments.




An example of
particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner
Jr
’s contribution to the Post’s campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote
three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the third upon its
release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a
copy of the first draft

of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the
contents of this copyrighted movie (*68).

[Oh Gosh! The Washington Post did that…must of thought it was the Pentagon Papers or Watergate of something. Shocking! 

So what was in Oliver Stone‘s ‘historic,” to quote Stone himself, FIRST DRAFT of the SCRIPT? This authoroutside of being dismayed at Lardner’s journalistic enterprise intrapsing “accepted [copyright] standards,“–Julian C. Holmes, then herein determinally deploys one of the very  bias-tactics he is accusing the Washington Post of displaying–to employ the words of WSM “editorialization by ommision. 

Then immediately changes the subject, as follows below:]

Also in this article, (*69).
Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former
Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that
subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action
brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up
Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview
with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government’s case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post’s 1973 account
of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I
recently [1991-1?] asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he
remembered it
(*71).

 

[The last sentence above is presumably true, but proves what, exactly?]




Two weeks after his first
“JFK” article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his
unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also
defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a
writer “of gothic fiction”
.




When the movie was
released in December, Lardner “reviewed” it (*73). 

He again ridiculed the
film’s thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson
reversed Kennedy’s plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a
memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this
memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it “was a
continuation of Kennedy’s policy”
. In fact, the memorandum was drafted the
day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy’s Assistant for
National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.




Following the
assassination, it was rewritten[by
McGeorge Bundy]; and the final version provided for
escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) — facts that Lardner avoided. [Not ulike the elementary Mr. Holmes.]




The Post’s crusade
against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:




The Warren Commission
inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part conducted in
secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this
newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission’s secret doubts
about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). [T]

Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters
instructing co-conspirators at field stations [i.e.GS-scale operations officers] to counteract the “new wave of
books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission’s findings…[and]
conspiracy theories …[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
organization” and to “discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly
elite contacts, especially politicians and editors “and to”employ propaganda
assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics. …Book reviews and
feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. …The aim of
this dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the
claims of the [CIA?] conspiracy theorists…” (*77).




In 1979, Washington
journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the story of Post
publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper’s close ties with Washington’s
powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.


Particularly irksome to Post
editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had “produced CIA
material” (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity,
Bradlee told Davis’ publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,”Miss Davis is lying
…I never produced CIA material …what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a
fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers who
don’t give a shit for the truth”. The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies
; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and
damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book
elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply
involved with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the
allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false, but he
has apparently taken no action to contest the exetensive documentation
presented by Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book
(*80).




And it’s not as if the
Post were new to conspiracy work.




Former Washington Post
publisher Philip Graham “believing that the function of the press was more
often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one
of the architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and
manipulation of journalists by the CIA” (*81). This scandal was known by its
code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl
Bernstein
cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, “It was widely known
that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from” (*82). More recently
the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by “refusing to
print his name for over a year up until the day his indictment was announced
…for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa
Rica” (*83). [T]




Of the meetings between
Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and prices of
journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, “You could get a
journalist cheaper than a good call girl
, for a couple hundred dollars a
month” (*84). 

Click to Read Article

[If one were to comparison shop, according to the historical record, the KGB and its successor the FSB, CIA case officers, FBI Special Agents and NSA-sanctioned communications specialists, like Navy radioman John Walker, cost only slighty moreon an annualized basis.] 

One may wish to consider Philip Graham’s philosophy along with
a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of
the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism [circa 1991-2!]
and the news
media, Mrs. Graham said: “A second challenge facing the media is how to
prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. … The
point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we’ve
learned better how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often
difficult” (
*85).




Today, the Post and its
world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our
high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra
drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy.
This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most
institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded
entrepreneurs — a conspiracy“to act or work together toward the same result or goal” (*86). But where the
Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends that
conspiracies associated with big business or government are “coincidence”.
Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain
this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may
actually believe that the Post’s opposition to Stone’s movie is a
“conspiracy”. Lardner assures us that Stone’s complaints are “groundless and
paranoid and smack of McCarthyism” (*87).




So how does the Post
justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who investigate
conspiracies?


The Post has answers:
people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something “neat and
tidy” (*88) that “plugs a gap [as once precisely noted by WSM in a 1997 U of Md TV interview about religious cultslike Christianity, Islam and Judiasm
as WSM precisely put it] no other generally accepted theory fills’,
(*89. and “coincidence …is always the safest and most likely explanation for
any conjunction of curious circumstances …” (*90).




And what does this
response mean? It means that “coincidence theory” is what the Post espouses
when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some
things just “happen”. And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things would be
a crime; “coincidence” is a safer bet.




Post Ombudsman Richard
Harwood
, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director of the Benevolent
Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning
about presidential candidates “who have begun to mutter about a press
conspiracy”. Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as
“symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the
American political class” (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the
mutterers; they used the “C” word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column — ending it with:”We are the new
journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political
conformity. But conspirators we ain’t”.




Distinguished
investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington
Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue
of The Progressive, Mintz wrote “A Reporter Looks Back in Anger — Why the
Media Cover Up Corporate Crime”. Therein he discussed the difficulties in
convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated the
article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as
“the biggest pain in the ass in the office” (*93).




Would Harwood argue that
grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a matter of random
coincidence?


And that such policy as
Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence from
fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the
countless office “meetings” in which news people are ever in attendance,
there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones will find
inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that
there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media “grayout” of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post
journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that
the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let’s face it: these possibilities
are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.




Would Harwood have us
believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling
less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: “The
largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks
and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what
millions will see and hear. …there seems to be little doubt that these
gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched
out the front door as ‘news
.
” (*95).




When he sat on the U.S.
District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S.
law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded
to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96).
Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas’
mentor, Senator John Danforth

The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas
malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97).
Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina
if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?




Or take the fine report
produced last September by Ralph Nader’s Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice
President’s Men, it documents “How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness
Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs”. Three months
later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published “The
President’s Understudy”, a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle.
Although this series does address Quayle’s role with the CompetitivenessCouncil, its handling of the Council’s disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political
aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth — revealing little
about Quayle’s abilities, his understanding of society’s problems, or his
thoughts about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive
Nader study of Quayle’s record in the Bush Administration
(*98).




Now, did Broder or did
Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget? Or did
one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two
celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly
authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles
because it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the
use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many
pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people “acting or working
together toward the same result or goal”? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?

[No doubt unbeknownst to this author, but Eugene Meyer, Kay Graham‘s father, from whom she inheritedownership of the Washington Post in 1959, was the primary financier of young George H. W. Bush’s first 1957 foray into the mid-land oil patches of West Texas, which became Bush’s Zapato Oil. In late 1988, Kay Graham was the secret guest lecturer at CIA‘s Langley HQ, as the then CIA director William H. Webster furiously lobbied Graham to lobby her father’s financial benefactee and family friend, former DCI GHW Bush, to keep his intelligence directorship.

WSM’s and his  colleague at that time, Mark Perry, asked then Post Outlook Editor David Igantius if he would like a transcript?” With wary surprise on his face, he not-so-demurely declined to get involved in the high politics between the Washington Post, the CIA and the White House,  putting both hands up in a stopping motion: “No, no, no…” was all he said. During a subsequent discussion, however, David did say that he played tennis with Webster, and that Webster “cheats on line calls…

“Holy s**t, David–that’s his precise god-damned function as the DCI,” both of us practically shouted in unison. David just shrugged his shoulds. Discussion over… 

“And I suppose ‘SIRO’ is a meaningless State Department cable tag designator for the TS/SCI codewordcleared “ROGER CHANNEL for US covert opertions traffick?” … David?

He doesn’t know, for sure, apparently. He titled his third spy-thriller, (a quite excellent read), ‘SIRO.’

Go figure…

(Separately, his statements either comport with, or not quite comport with, David’s later reputation in certain sensitive quarters, wherein WSM has labored for the last decade. Combined, they give credence to certain particular members of the Navy SEAL and SpecOPS communities, who still ocassionally refer, perhaps not-so-fastidiously, to David as “the Washington Post Chief of Station.”)]




On March 20, front-page
headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, USA Today, and the
Washington Post read respectively:




TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING
CLINTON’S PATH


TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH
TOWARD SHOWDOWN
WITH BUSH


TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON


TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON
 


This display of editorial
independence should at least raise questions of whether the news media
collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel
— like
oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being “a
combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit
competition” (*101).


The Washington Post
editorial page carries the heading:




AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER


Is it? Of course not.
There probably is no such thing. Does the Post”conspire” to keep its staff
and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The
Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the
Post’s telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media
elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are “safe”, and that
experienced reporters don’t have to ask.




What is more important,
however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its own
corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and
publicize what the Post does in public
, namely, how it shapes and censors the
news.


Sincerely,


Julian C. Holmes


Copies to: Public-spirited
citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And – maybe a few others.


Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:


1. Mark Hosenball, “The
Ultimate Conspiracy”, Washington Post, September 11, 1988, p.C1


2a. Julian Holmes, Letter
to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the
Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic
Institute and to Robert Gates.


2b. Jack Anderson and
Dale Van Atta, “Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition”, Washington
Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column
submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..


2c. Jack Anderson and
Dale Van Atta, “The Man Washington Doesn’t Want to Extradite”, Washington
Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see
note 2a)..


3a. Case No.
86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United States
District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey
v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.


3b. Vince Bielski and
Dennis Bernstein, “Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.”, Cleveland Plain
Dealer, November 16, 1986.


3c. Neal Matthews, “I Ran
Drugs for Uncle Sam” (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra
resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.


4. Leslie Cockburn, Out
of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987.


5a. Peter Dale Scott and
Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991,
p.179-181.


5b. David S. Hilzenrath,
“Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling”, Washington
Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.


5c. Partial correction to
the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.


5d. The Washington Post
declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel’s Letter- to-the-Editor of
July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987,
p.E3296-7.


6a. Michael Kranish,
“Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail”, Boston Globe, April
10, 1988.


6b. Mary McGrory, “The
Contra-Drug Stink”, Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry
with Rod Nordland, “Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra
Connection to George Bush’s Office”, Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.


6d. Dennis Bernstein,
“Iran-Contra — The Coverup Continues”, The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.


6e. “Drugs, Law
Enforcement and Foreign Policy”, A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on
Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988.


7a. Mark Hosenball, “If
It’s October … Then It’s Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory”, Washington
Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.


7b. Mark Hosenball,
“October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 ‘Hostage- Deal’
Story Is Still Full of Holes”, Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.


8a. Barbara Honegger,
October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.


8b. Gary Sick, October
Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991.


9a. Abbie Hoffman and
Jonathan Silvers, “An Election Held Hostage”, Playboy, October 1988, p.73.


9b. Robert Parry and
Robert Ross, “The Election Held Hostage”, FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.


10a. Reuter, “Ex-Hostages
Seek Probe By Congress”, Washington Post, June 14,1991,p.A4.


10b. “An Election Held
Hostage?”, Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington
DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171
Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016.


11a. David Brown and Guy
Gugliotta, “House Approves Inquiry Into ‘OctoberSurprise’”, Washington Post,
February 6, 1992, p.A11.


11b. Jack Colhoun,
“Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise”, The Guardian, December 11, 1991,
p.7.


11c. Jack Colhoun,
“October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer”, The Guardian, February 26, 1992,
p.3.


12. See note 5a, p.180-1.


13a. See note 4, p.229,
240-1.


13b. Report of the
Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report
No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.


14a. Letter to His
Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from
Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan
Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter
Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod
Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and
Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989.


14b. Peter Brennan,
“Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. — Indiana Native Wanted
on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua”, WashingtonPost, February
1, 1990.


14c. “Costa Rica Seeks
Extradition of Indiana Farmer”, Scripps-Howard News Service,April 25, 1991.


15. Press Release from
the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of
Costa Rican Citizen John Hull”, February 6, 1989.


16. Brian Glick, War at
Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.


17. John Stockwell, The
Praetorian Guard– The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston: South End
Press, 1991, p.121.


18. Hearings Before the
Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942).,
part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben,
New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.


19. R. Jeffrey Smith,
“Study of A-Plant Neighbors’ Health Urged”, Washington Post, July 13, 1990,
p.A6.


20. Tom Horton, “A Cost
Higher Than the Peace Dividend — Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons
Sites”, Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.


21. “The Nuclear
Industry’s Secret PR Strategy”, EXTRA!, March 1992, p.15.


22a. Samuel S. Epstein,
MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy Reform”,
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.


22b. Samuel S. Epstein,
“The Cancer Establishment”, Washington Post, March 10, 1992.


23a. Hon. Henry B.
Gonzalez, “Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal”, Congressional
Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.


23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs
(CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy”, Congressional
Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.


23c. Nicholas Rostow,
Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S.
Archibald et al, “Meeting on congressional requests for information and
documents”, April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.


24a. Michio Kaku,
“Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses”, The


Guardian, March11, 1992,
p.4.


24b. J. Max Robins,
“NBC’s Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case”, Variety Magazine,
March 4, 1991, p.25.


25. Emory R. Searcy Jr.,
Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter to”Friends”, p.1.


26. Jean Dimeo, “Selling
Hispanics on Columbus — Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian
Project”, Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.


27. Hans Koning, “Teach
the Truth About Columbus”, Washington Post, September 3,1991, p.A19.


28a. James Kilpatrick,
“Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench”, St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March
18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, “A High-Tech Watergate”, New York
Times, October 21,1991.


29. “BCCI — NBC Sunday
Today”, February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle’s
Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert
Morgenthau who is running his own independent investigation of BCCI.


30. Norman Bailey, former
Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark
Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.


31. Jack Colhoun, “BCCI
Skeletons Haunting Bush’s Closet”, The Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.


32. Robert Morgenthau.
See note 29, p.10.


33. Russell Mokhiber,
Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback
edition, p.227.


34. See note 33, p.136-7.


35. Morton Mintz, At Any
Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985.
As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.


36. See note 33,
p.164-171.


37. See note 33,
p.172-180.


38. Michael Waldman, Who
Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph
Nader’s Introduction, p.iii.


39. See note 33, p.217.


40. See note 33, p.235.


41. See note 33,
p.277-288.


42. See note 33, p.323.


43. Katherine Hoyt
Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter, March1992, p.1.


44. William Blum, The CIA
— A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.


45a. John Stockwell, In
Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.


45b. See note 44,
p.284-291.


46. See note 17, p.18.


47a. Letter to President
George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al).,
January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.


47b. Philip E. Wheaton,
Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7.


48a. Morton Mintz and
Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books, 1977,p.521.


48b. “The International
Oil Cartel”, Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.


49a. See note 44,
p.67-76.


49b. See note 48a,
p.530-1.


50. Ralph W. McGehee,
Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983,p.60.


51. HR-3385, “An Act to
Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua”. Passed the U.S.
House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the
Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.


52. Jack Colhoun, “Gates
Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post”, The Guardian,November 20, 1991,
p.6.


53. Carl Bernstein, Time,
February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.


54. “The U.S. and the
Vatican on Birth Control”, Time, February 24, 1992, p.35.


55. “Time’s Missing Link:
Poland to Latin America”, National Catholic Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.


56a. Jim Lynn, “School of
Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission”, Benning Patriot, February 21,
1992, p.12.


56b. Vicky Imerman, “U.S.
Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion”, News Release from S.O.A. Watch,
P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.


57. 60 MINUTES, CBS,
March 8, 1992.


58. Jack Colhoun, “Tricky
Dick’s Quick Election Fix”, The Guardian, January 29,1992, p.18.


59a. Sean P. Murphy,
“Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police”, Boston Globe, July
28, 1991, p.1.


59b. Christopher B. Daly,
“Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case”, Washington Post, July 12,
1991, p.A3.


59c. Associated Press,
“Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video”, WashingtonPost, May 26,
1991, p.A20.


59d. Gabriel Escobar,
“Deaf Man’s Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide”, Washington Post, May
18, 1991, p.B1.


59e. Jay Mathews, “L.A.
Police Laughed at Beating”, Washington Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1.


59f. David Maraniss, “One
Cop’s View of Police Violence”, Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.


59g. From News Services,
“Police Abuse Detailed”, Washington Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8.


60. Michael Dobbs,
“Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions”, Washington Post, March
1, 1992, p.A1.


61. David Streitfeld,
“Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback”, Washington Post, March
14, 1992, p.D1.


62a. See notes 48 and 49.


62b. See note 47b,
p.63-76.


62c. “Fairness In
Broadcasting Act of 1987″, U.S. Senate Bill S742.


62d. “Now Let That
‘Fairness’ Bill Die”, Editorial, Washington Post,


June 24, 1987. The Post
opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.


63. David E. Scheim,
Contract on America — The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York:
Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.


64. See note 63, p.28.


65a. Chuck Conconi, “Out
and About”, Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3.


65b. George Lardner Jr.,
“On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland”, Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.


65c. George Lardner, “…Or
Just a Sloppy Mess”, Washington Post, June 2, 1991,p.D3.


65d. Charles Krauthammer,
“A Rash of Conspiracy Theories — When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?”, Washington
Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.


65e. Eric Brace,
“Personalities”, Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3.


65f. Associated Press,
“‘JFK’ Director Condemned — Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film ‘A
Big Lie’”, Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.


65g. Gerald R. Ford and
David W. Belin, “Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?”, Washington
Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.


65h. Rita Kemply, “‘JFK’:
History Through A Prism”, Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.D1.


65i. George Lardner Jr.,
“The Way it Wasn’t — In ‘JFK’, Stone Assassinates the Truth”, Washington
Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.


65j. Desson Howe, “Dallas
Mystery: Who Shot JFK?”, Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.55.


65k. Phil McCombs,
“Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire — In Defending His ‘JFK’ Conspiracy Film,
the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning”, Washington Post, December 21,
1991, p.F1.


65l. George F. Will,
“‘JFK’: Paranoid History”, Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23.


65m. “On Screen”, ‘JFK’ movie
review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27, 1991.


65n. Stephen S.
Rosenfeld, “Shadow Play”, Washington Post, December 27, 1991, p.A21.


65o. Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, “The Paranoid Style”, Washington Post, December 29,1991, p.C7.


65p. Michael Isikoff,
“H-e-e-e-e-r-e’s Conspiracy! — Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the
Role of Johnny Carson?”, Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.


65q. Robert O’Harrow Jr.,
“Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts — Moviegoers Say ‘JFK’ Nourishes Doubts That
Oswald Acted Alone”, Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.


65r. Michael R.
Beschloss, “Assassination and Obsession”, Washington Post, January 5, 1992,
p.C1.


65s. Charles Krauthammer,
“‘JFK’: A Lie, But Harmless”, Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.


65t. Art Buchwald,
“Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy”, Washington Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1.


65u. Ken Ringle, “The
Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories — Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All
Wrong”, Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.


65v. Charles Paul Freund,
“If History Is a Lie — America’s Resort to Conspiracy Thinking”, Washington
Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.


65w. Richard Cohen,
“Oliver’s Twist”, Washington Post Magazine, January 19, 1992, p.5.


65. Michael Isikoff,
“Seeking JFK’s Missing Brain”, Washington Post, January 21,1992, p.A17.


65y. Don Oldenburg, “The
Plots Thicken — Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere”, Washington Post,
January 28, 1992, p.E5.


65z. Joel Achenbach, “JFK
Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts”, Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.


65A. List of books on the
best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as
“conspiracy plot theories”, Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12


66. See notes 65n, 65w,
65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.


67a. Peter Dale Scott,
“Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers”. Published in The
Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.


67b. Peter Dale Scott,
The War Conspiracy — The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War,
Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224.


67c. L. Fletcher Prouty,
The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for
Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.


67d. See note 63, p.58,
183, 187, 194, 273-4.


67e. John M. Newman, JFK
and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.


67f. Peter Dale Scott,
Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992, p.290.


68a. See note 65b.


68b. Oliver Stone, “The
Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination”, Washington
Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.


69. See note 65b.


70. Jim Garrison, On the
Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988, 315/318.


71. Associated Press,
“Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge”, Washington Post,
September 28, 1973, p.A3.


72. See note 65c.


73. See note 65i.


74. See note 67e, p.438-450.


75. John G. Leyden,
“Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots”, Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26,
1992, p.8.


76a. Tad Szulc, “New
Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe”, Washington Star,September 19,
1975, p.A1.


76b. Tad Szulc, “Warren
Commission’s Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day — ‘This Bullet Business Leaves Me
Confused’”, Washington Star, September


20, 1975, p.A1.


76c. Tad Szulc, “Urgent
and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission — Dulles Proposed that the
Minutes be Destroyed”, Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.


77. “Cable Sought to
Discredit Critics of Warren Report”, New York Times, December 26, 1977,
p.A37.


78. Deborah Davis,
Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.


79a. Eve Pell, “Private
Censorship — Killing ‘Katharine The Great’”, The Nation, November 12, 1983.


79b. Deborah Davis,
Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says,
“…corporate documents that became available during my subsequent lawsuit
against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich] showed
that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been “processed and converted
into waste paper””.


79c. Daniel Brandt, “All
the Publisher’s Men — A Suppressed Book About Washington Post Publisher
Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again” National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.


79d. Deborah Davis,
Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991. “…publishers who
don’t give a shit”, p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi;
lawsuit and settlement, p..


80. Benjamin C. Bradlee,
Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304.


81. See note 79d,
p.119-132.


82. Carl Bernstein, “The
CIA and the Media — How America’s Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in
Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee
Covered It Up”, Rolling Stone,

October 20, 1977, p.63.


83a. Daniel Brandt,
Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The
letter asks for the Post’s rationale for its policy of protecting government
covert actions, and whether this policy is still in effect.


83b. Daniel Brandt,
“Little Magazines May Come and Go”, The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4.
Notes the Post’s protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez.
Brandt says, “America needs to confront its own recent history as well as
protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by
outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to
thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite
strike

forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists.”


83c. Richard L. Harwood,
Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood’s two- sentence letter
reads, “We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the
C.I.A., except in unusual

circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez.”


84. See note 79d, p.131.


85. Katharine Graham,
“Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts”, Washington Post,
April 20, 1986, p.C1.


86. “conspire”, �4�Random
House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.


87. Howard Kurtz, “Media
Notes”, Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.


88. See note 65y.


89. See note 65n.


90. See note 65d.


91. William Casey,
Private Communications with JCH, March 1992.


Richard Harwood, “What
Conspiracy?”, Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.


93. p. 29-32.


94a. Washington Post
Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In
1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories,
columns, letters, or editorials;

“Jerry” Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those
28, Agran’s name appeared 76 times, Clinton’s 151, and Brown 105. In only 1
of those 28 did Agran’s name appear in a headline.


94b. Colman McCarthy, “What’s
‘Minor’ About This Candidate?”, Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington
Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept
presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post’s own daily
news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.


94c. Scot Lehigh, “Larry
Agran: ‘Winner’ in Debate With Little Chance For the Big Prize”, Boston
Globe, February 25, 1992.


94d. Joshua Meyrowitz,
“The Press Rejects a Candidate”, Columbia Journalism Review,March/April,
1992.


95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The
Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork: Harper and Row,
1972, p.36-7.


96a. 28 USC Section 455.
“Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall disqualify
himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be
questioned.” [emphasis added]


96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc.
v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC 1990)..


96c. Monroe Freedman,
“Thomas’ Ethics and the Court — Nominee ‘Unfit to Sit’ For Failing to Recuse
In Ralston Purina Case”, Legal Times, August 26, 1991.


96d. Paul D. Wilcher,
“Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a Justice
on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT”, Letter
to U.S. Senator Joseph R.

Biden, October 15, 1991.


97. Al Kamen and Michael
Isikoff, “‘A Distressing Turn’, Activists


Decry What Process Has
Become”, Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.


98. January 5, 6, 7, 8,
9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.


99. See note 86.


100. Thomas W. Lippman,
“Energy Lobby Fights Unseen ‘Killers’”, Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21.
This article explains that “representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
the National Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas,
offshore

drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling,
nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be

offered by key House members”.


101. “cartel”, Webster’s
New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.


——————————————————————————–


NOTES


A good source on the
Washington Post and Katharine Graham’s attempt to suppress the Davis
book,”Katherine The Great,”, which was largely successful, is Carol
Felsenthal’s, “Power and Privilege at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story.”


For more information on
Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent source is “All
American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story,” by Ed Becker and Charles
Rappelye.


An additional good short
reference is “The CIA’s Greatest Hits” by Mark Zepezauer. There you will find
the reference to Carl Bernstein’s classic “The CIA and the Media” which
appeared in Rolling Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.


Still another recent
example of the CIA’s control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton’s
& Roger Morris’ story,”THE CRIMES OF MENA” by Washington Post managing
editor Bob Kaiser even though the story had been legally vetted and cleared
for publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA’s involvement in
drug trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed
withouty explanation.


 

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[Still UNDER CONTRUCTION – BACK OFF….

and wait like everyone else, PLEASE?]

  

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